Имперские ереси: польские студенты в Советском Союзе (1948-1957) | Ab Imperio

Имперские ереси: польские студенты в Советском Союзе (1948-1957) | Ab Imperio

Примечания

[1]Rossiiskii Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Sotsial’no-Politicheskoi Istorii (The Russian State Archive of Social and Political History), henceforth: RGASPI. F. 17. Central Committee of the KPSS. Op. 137. Foreign-Policy Commission of the Central Committee, 1949-1953. Delo 621. L. 12.

[2]Zdeněk Mlynář. Nightfrost in Prague: The End of Humane Socialism. Trans. Paul Wilson. New York, 1980

[3]). P. 10. The following discussion will not concern Polish students in Soviet military institutions.

[4]Anna Krylova traces the American intellectuals’ changing views of the “Soviet man” in her The Tenacious Liberal Subject in Soviet Studies // Kritika. 2000. Vol. 1. Pp. 119-146. She argues that despite their evolving views, resulting in such concepts as “indoctrination,” “belief,” “cynicism,” and “resistance,” American scholars implicitly have continued to favor the Western notion of the liberal self in describing the Soviet subject and thereby impose their own mental frameworks on the historical actors. Russian historians have been doing pioneering work on “alternative thinking,” dissent and “sedition” in recent years. See e.g. A. I. Prishchepa. Inakomyslie na Urale (seredina 1940-kh – seredina 1980-kh gg.). Surgut, 1998; V. A. Kozlov (Ed.). Kramola: Inakomyslie v SSSR pri Khrushcheve i Brezhneve, 1953-1992 gg. Moscow, 2005; L. Alexeeva focuses on organized dissent in: Istoriia inakomysliia v SSSR. Noveishyi period. Vilnius-Moscow, 1992. A rare exception to such trends is Amir Weiner’s essay entitled The Empires Pay a Visit: Gulag Retunees, East European Rebellions, and Soviet Frontier Politics // The Journal of Modern History. 2006. Vol. 78. Pp. 333-376. For discussion of the “academic” context, see below.

[5]Anne E. Gorsuch discussed such “turning inwards” in the context of Soviet domestic tourism between 1947 and 1953. See: “There’s No Place Like Home”: Soviet Tourism in Late Stalinism // Slavic Review. 2002. Vol. 62. Pp. 760-785.

[6]Juliane Fürst. Prisoners of the Soviet Self? – Political Youth Opposition in Late Stalinism // Europe-Asia Studies. 2002. Vol. 54. P. 366. For further discussion, see e.g. Hiroaki Kuromiya. “Political Youth Opposition in Late Stalinism”: Evidence and Conjecture // Europe-Asia Studies. 2003. Vol. 55. Pp. 631-638.

[7]The historian Mirosław Golon has given the most comprehensive treatment of the subject in two recent articles. See Młodzież polska na studiach cywilnych i wojskowych w ZSRR w latach 1944-1950 // Ryszard Sudziński (Ed.). Młode pokolenie polskich emigrantów – jego losy i problemy w XX wieku. Włocławek, 2004. Pp. 139-177; Idem. Młodzież polska na studiach cywilnych i wojskowych w ZSRR w okresie klasycznego stalinizmu (1950-1956/1957) // Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały. 2006. Vol. VII. Pp. 61-121. Both articles, based largely on archival sources from the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (AMSZ) and the Russian Party Archive (RGASPI), are rich in factual information and careful analysis of many aspects of the process. The author, however, makes little effort to advance any sustained arguments about the role and significance of conflict within the larger context of empire.

[8]Jeffrey Brooks described the Stalinist “performance” as a political theater, in which journalists and other public figures certified the Soviet order by amplifying the official message, iconography and especially the cult of Stalin. See: Thank You Comrade Stalin! Soviet Public Culture from Revolution to Cold War. Princeton, 2000. P. xvi.

[9]Albin Głowacki. Sprawy studenckie w działalności Związku Patriotów Polskich w ZSRR (na przykładzie Taszkientu) // Z Dziejów Stosunków Polsko-Radzieckich i Rozwoju Wspólnoty Państw Socjalistycznych. 1979. Vol. XIX. Pp. 123-138; Idem. Działalność Kół Studentów Polaków w ZSRR (1944-1946) na przykładzie Moskwy // Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. 1981. Folia Historica. Historia XVII-XX. Vol.10. Pp. 157-169.

[10]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1944-1950. Pp. 142-143. In 1946 there were only 15 Polish students in the Soviet Union, as compared with 15 from Hungary, 20 from Romania, 20 from Czechoslovakia, 49 from Albania, 125 from Bulgaria, 250 from Yugoslavia, and 299 from North Korea. As late as 1947-1948 more Polish youth studied in France then in the USSR. Ibid. Pp. 145, 150. The list does not include foreigners who studied in military academies, or foreign political refugees who also studied in the Soviet Union.

[11]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska. Pp. 153.

[12]RGASPI. F. M-1. Central Committee of the Komsomol. Op. 46. Department of Student Youth, 1941-1965. D. 184. L. 7; AAN. Sygnatura 237. United Polish Workers’ Party’s Central Committee. XXII International Department. Teczka 649. Karta 20.

[13]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 79.

[14]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 79. December 4, the name-day of Barbara, was their official holiday—full of parades and colorful celebrations, official visits to mines etc. Incidentally, it is now being replaced by St. Patrick’s day on March 17.

[15]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska. Pp. 156.

[16]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 107.

[17]John Connelly. Captive University: The Sovietization of East German, Czech and Polish Higher Education, 1945-1956. Chapel Hill, 2000. P. 253.

[18]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 1.

[19]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K.67.

[20]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1944-1950. P. 145. Golon’s data vary slightly from figures above because officials wrote reports throughout the year and students frequently arrived late.

[21]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1944-1950. P. 145. His data do not include the military and artistic directions of study.

[22]Ibid. P. 151.

[23]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 135. L. 3. Data from June, 1950. Grad students included.

[24]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1944-1950. P. 155. Here art students are included.

[25]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 135. L. 3. Data from June, 1950.

[26]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. Kk. 96-97. His was significantly lower than the Polish projected estimates of 1000 students and grad students. See: AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 19.

[27]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1950-1956/1957. P. 64. Data from November, 1950.

[28]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 107; a report from December, 1951 give a different number of 1054/86. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-620. K. 42.

[29]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 79. His was less than the 542 / 70 the Poles had hoped to send.

[30]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-655. K. 83. Data from January, 1953, which excludes students from Rostov and all graduate students.

[31]Based on estimates from 1951/1952. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 108.

[32]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 107. Projected estimates.

[33]AAN. Syg.237/ XXII-620. K. 64.

[34]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 2. Data from January, 1953.

[35]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 1.

[36]Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1950-1956/7. Pp. 102-103.

[37]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. Kk. 18-19.

[38]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 18.

[39]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 19. Projected estimate.

[40]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-877. K. 75. Estimate based on maximum number of placements allowed by the Soviet Ministry of Higher Education.

[41]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 67.

[42]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-877. K. 88.

[43]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-873. K. 67. Approximate number.

[44]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 208. Ll. 104-107.

[45]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 293. L. 24.

[46]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 293. L. 24.

[47]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 107.

[48]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 112. Chyliński’s remarks had an advisory, not decisive weight, and, according to a response letter from the foreign department of the central committee, they would be taken into consideration. AAN. 237/XXII-637. K. 115.

[49]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-634. K. 174.

[50]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 111.

[51]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-652. K. 24. The diplomat was Henryk Gordon, the director of the Polish Consulate in Kiev.

[52]For goals of the party cells as defined by the Foreign Department of the Polish Party Central Committee, see AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-624. K. 15. Similarly, the work plan of the Polish National Group in Leningrad specified three main tasks for 1949: 1. Academic work; 2. Marxist training; 3. Social work. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 140.

[53]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 125. L. 25.

[54]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 176. L. 12. These provisions remained unchanged in the version of the statute approved by the Soviet Ministry of Higher education, AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-877. K. 23.

[55]In the postwar years, there existed four main student political organizations: AZWM, ZNMS, “Wici,” ZMD. In July 18-19, 1948 they were consolidated into one organization ZAMP and incorporated into the Stalinist youth organization ZMP. Jan Walczak. Ruch studencki w Polsce, 1944-1984. Wrocław, 1990. P. 51.

[56]So far there are no studies of Komsomol in the postwar years. Other, relatively few publications include Isabel Tirado. The Komsomol and the Bright Socialist Future // Corinna Kuhr-Korolev, et al, (Eds.). Sowjetjugend 1917-1941: Generation zwischen Revolution und Resignation. Essen, 2001. Pp. 217-232; Jim Riordan. The Komsomol // Jim Riordan (Ed.). Soviet Youth Culture. Bloomington, 1989.

[57]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 78. This was reported from the city of Ivanovo in 1953. See also Mirosław Golon. Młodzież polska 1944-1950. P. 145.

[58]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D.125. L. 13.

[59]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D.125. L. 19.

[60]Most of the files of the VKP(b)/KPSS in the city of Moscow are still classified, so it is difficult to determine the exact scope of involvement. However, in one of the reports I have encountered the following statement: “Both Partburo and the Komsomol committees are conducting work with foreign students through selected representatives.” RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 125. L. 12.

[61]Hiroaki Kuromiya. “Political Youth Opposition in Late Stalinism”. P. 635; V. A. Kozlov (Ed.). Kramola. P. 8.

[62]Elena Zubkova. Russia After the War: Hopes, Illusions, and Disappointments, 1945-1957. Trans. Hugh Ragsdale. New York, 1998. P. 112.

[63]This was confirmed in my conversation with Mr. Zygmunt Wileniec on June 10, 2006. He began studying in Kharkov’s Polytechnic Institute in 1953, specializing in exhaust engines. Mr. Wileniec had the most positive memories from his five-year stay in the USSR, including those relating to his academic and social experiences. At the same time, he accorded little significance to ideological factors.

[64]Hanna Świda-Ziemba gives a rich social-psychological portrait of postwar Polish intelligentsia youth (born b. 1926 and 1930) in: Urwany lot. Pokolenie inteligenckiej młodzieży powojennej w świetle listów i pamiętników z lat 1945-1948. Cracow, 2003. See esp. Pp. 31, 66. Following Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, she author uses the notion of a “symbolic universe” to describe the young people’s mental framework.

[65]Zdeněk Mlynář. Nightfrost in Prague. P. 11.

[66]See e.g. a report from 1950: RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 125. L. 25.

[67]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-216. K. 38.

[68]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-216. K. 39.

[69]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 6.

[70]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 6.

[71]See e.g. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 277.

[72]See e.g. the case of the female student Hajnosz who came to study in the Soviet Union in 1948. After three transfers she ended up in Odessa, where she hoped to meet up with an officer she had met during the war. As soon as she found out this was impossible, she returned to Poland and did not want to come back. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 77.

[73]In 1950, graduate students in Leningrad received 1,500 rubles per month from the Polish and Soviet governments. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 264. This was far more than the students from other socialist countries received at the time. In 1951/52 some party activists referred to the Party decision to lower the stipends due to “the difficult situation” in Poland. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 156; AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-639. K. 160. Undergraduate student stipends were somewhat lower than those of graduate students. For example, in 1954 some received 820 rubles. Both Komsomol and Polish reports constantly bring up the issue of undesirable, from the authorities points of view, acts of international courtship and sexual activities as well as pregnancies and illegal abortions. Some students even managed to get married with foreigners, which was illegal at the time.

[74]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 258.

[75]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 78. This was reported from the city of Ivanovo in 1953. E.g. RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. Ll. 211-212.

[76]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. Kk. 22-23.

[77]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-634. Kk. 159-160.

[78]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 125. L. 12.

[79]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 19.

[80]An example of such an appeal – a request from the Soviet Ministry of Higher Education to the Polish Embassy in Moscow, dated October 29, 1955, can be found at AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-877. K. 96.

[81]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 112.

[82]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 113.

[83]In one memorandum from August 26, 1953, the International Departament of the Central Committee of the PZPR asked Jakub Berman whether five students should be expelled from the USSR. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-620. K. 55.

[84]For example, in a June 11 1953 session, the commission considered the case of the student Górnicki, who, according to the local Polish party organization, displayed “stark hostility towards the USSR and the People's Poland.” The commission decided to summon him to the embassy, and discuss his statements, clarify his position, and decide whether he should stay or leave the country. AAN. 237/XXII-627. K. 64. For other examples, see AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K.112.

[85]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 25.

[86]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 6. This was also true of other students, e.g. AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 143.

[87]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 100.

[88]AAN. 237/XXII-637. Kk. 102, 105, 106.

[89]See, e.g. a Komsomol report from Moscow in 1951: RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 135. L. 51; Reports from visiting Polish officials in Kharkov in 1951: AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-651. K. 27, and Komsomol officials from Kharkov in 1953: RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 240. Living conditions in Gorky got mixed reviews from both Poles and the Soviets in 1952: AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-655. Kk. 49; AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-655. Kk. 42-44; RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 135. L 16.

[90]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 214.

[91]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 255.

[92]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 164. According to the report of the Polish Embassy’s Party organization, the same was true of Rostov in 1953, although the voices of resentment where characterized as “few.” AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-640. K. 125.

[93]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 214.

[94]RGASPI. F. M-1. Op. 46. D. 164. L. 241.

[95]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 129.

[96]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. Kk. 135, 139, 147.

[97]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 95.

[98]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. Kk. 96-97.

[99]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 262.

[100]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-649. K. 19.

[101]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-657. K. 11.

[102]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-634. K.174

[103]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 262.

[104]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 262.

[105]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 87.

[106]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 66. Adler had a temporary party card.

[107]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 262.

[108]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-637. K. 142.

[109]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-634. K. 175.

[110]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-633. K. 264.

[111]For Russia’s role in contemporary Polish “inferiority complex” vis-à-vis Western Europe, see Tomasz Zarycki. Uses of Russia: the Role of Russia in the Modern Polish National Identity // East European Politics and Societies. 2004. Vol. 18. Pp. 595-627.

[112]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-655. K. 55.

[113]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-655. K. 55-56.

[114]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-620. K. 45.

[115]AAN. Syg. 237/XXII-620. K. 47.