3/2006 The Chorus of Nations: Constructing and Describing Group Unity

“Особый народ” “подражающих немцам”: украинские крестьяне-евангелисты и проблема культурной идентичности в украинских губерниях поздней Российской империи

Сергей Жук

3/2006

Материал публикуется на английском (на английской части сайта)

SUMMARY:

Статья посвящена очень важному аспекту самовосприятия штундистов, членов баптистской секты, возникшей под влиянием немецких колонистов-меннонитов и пользовавшейся широкой популярностью в южных губерниях российской империи в последние десятилетия XIX века. Наблюдатели называли штундистов “подражателями немцев”, а сами они, в свою очередь, полностью сменив культурный код, считали себя особым народом.

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1.F. A. Shcherbina. Malorusskaia shtunda. Nedelia. 1877. No. 2. Pp. 58-59.↩

2.Cited in: A. Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. St. Petersburg, 1889. P. 269.↩

3.Citation from: John Brown. The Stundists. The Story of a Great Religious Revolt. London, 1893. Pp. 66, 67. Another English-speaking contemporary of these events reflected in his description the prevailing opinion about the German origin of Stundism, which had been “born in places in southern Russia, where there are many German Lutheran communities.” He argued that Stundists were “probably the earliest, perhaps the only, sect of distinctively foreign origin, having a direct affiliation with Western Protestantism; their name, as well as their doctrine” was German. These Russian sectarians met together to read the Bible “during their leisure hours (‘Stunden’ in German), whence their appellation of ‘Stundists’...” See: A. F. Heard. The Russian Church and Russian Dissent, Comprising Orthodoxy, Dissent, and Erratic Sects. New York, 1887. P. 290. Sometimes Western observers of these events expressed the obvious racial feelings of Saxonian cultural superiority: “For many years after the arrival of the Germans in Russia, the two people (German colonists and Ukrainian peasants) kept rigorously aloof from one another; but little by little the stronger (German) race began to acquire an influence over the weaker. ...Pious Germans – men who added the necessary Teutonic method and balance to the onward march of the impetuous Little Russians (Ukrainians)... (in Stunde movement).” See: John Brown. The Stundists. Pp. 6, 8.↩

4.And he explained, “Instead of the Russian chuyka (special peasant jacket), hat, unshaved beard and hair cut in a fringe, the Stundo-Baptist, for the most part, put on a German jacket, hat and cap, and has a shaved chin and short hair cut. As a matter of fact, instead of choosing a Russian school, the Stundo-Baptist sends his child to the school of German colonists.” N. Kutepov. Kratkaya istoria i verouchenie russkikh ratsionalisticheskikh i misticheskikh eresei: doukhobortsev, molokan, desnago bratstva, shtundy, tolstovtsev, khlystov i skoptsov. Novocherkassk, 1907 (1st pr. 1891). P. 57.↩

5.V. I. Iasevich-Borodaevskaia. Bor’ba za veru. Istoriko-bytovye ocherki i obzor zakonodatel’stva po staroobriadchestvu i sektantstvu v ego posledovatel’nom razvitii s prilozheniem statei zakona i vysochaishikh ukazov. St. Petersburg, 1912. P. 560.↩

6.The development of Stundism has been covered in detail by both Russian (Ukrainian) and Western historians. See: H. Dalton. Der Stundismus in Russland. Studie und Erinnerungen. Guetersloh, 1896; W. Gutsche. Westliche Quellen des russischen Stundismus. Anfaenge der evangelischen Bewegung in Russland. Kassel, 1956; M. Klimenko. Die Anfaenge des Baptismus in Suederussland nach officiellen Documenten. Erlangen, 1957; A. I. Klibanov. Istoria religioznogo sektantstva v Rossii (60-e gody XIX v. – 1917 g.). Moscow, 1965; Edmund Heier. Religious Schism in the Russian Aristocracy 1860-1900: Radstockism and Pashkovism. The Hague, 1970; L. Klippenstein. Religion and Dissent in the Era of Reform: The Russian Stundobaptists, 1858-1884 / MA thesis; University of Minnesota, 1971; S. Nesdoly. Evangelical Sectarianism in Russia: A Study of the Stundists, Baptists, Pashkovites, and Evangelical Christians, 1855-1917 / Ph.D. diss.; Queens University, 1971; Hans Brandenburg. The Meek and the Mighty. The Emergence of the Evangelical Movement in Russia. New York, 1977; V. V. Sarychev. Sotsial’no-ekonomicheskie i politicheskie aspekty rasprostranenia baptizma v Rossii (evropeiskaia chast’, 1860-e –1917 gg.) / Cand. diss.; Iaroslavl’ University, 1989; S. N. Savinskii. Istotia evangel’skikh khristian-baptistov Ukrainy, Rossii, Belorussii (1867-1917). St. Petersburg, 1999; O. V. Beznosova (Kudinova). Pozdnee protestantskoe sektantstvo Iuga Ukrainy (1850-1905) / Cand. diss.; Dniepropetrovsk University, 1998; Heather Coleman. Russian Baptists and Spiritual Revolution, 1905-1929. Bloomington, IN, 2005. Coleman’s book is based on her dissertation: The Most Dangerous Sect: Baptists in Tsarist and Soviet Russia, 1905-1929 / Ph.D. diss.; University of Illinois, 1998.↩

7.C. Bonnekemper. Stundism in Russia // Missionary Review of the World. 1894. Vol.17. March. P. 203.↩

8.See Arsenii Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. St. Petersburg, 1889. Pp. 12-13, 42-43, 59-60; A. Dorodnitsyn. Iuzhno-russkii neobaptism, izvestnyi pod imenem shtundy. Po offitsial’nym dokumentam. Stavropol, 1903. Pp. 117, 122; P. Kozitskii. Vopros o proiskhozhdenii iuzhno-russkago shtundizma v nashei literature. St. Petersburg, 1908. The Russian administration borrowed this word from the Lutheran Stundists and called the first peasant evangelicals, who collaborated with German Protestants, “the Stundists” as well. Beginning with only twenty members in 1862, the Stundist sect among the Ukrainian peasants grew to thousands and spread over southern and central Ukraine in the 1870s. During the 1880s Stundism reached the provinces of Tavrida, Ekaterinoslav, Poltava, Kharkov, Chernigov, Volynia and Podolia (there were 2,956 dissidents in the province of Kherson in 1886, 2,006 in the province of Kiev in 1884, 300 in the province of Ekaterinoslav). Overall, in 1885 the members of the Ukrainian Stundist meetings, who were registered by the local police, numbered more than seven thousand. The number of Stundists had grown from 200 in 1872 to 5,002 in 1890 in Kiev province, from 20 in 1862 to 4,648 in 1890 in Kherson province, from 300 in 1888 to 1,000 in 1897 in Ekaterinoslav province. What these figures do not reveal is that Stundist influence was much greater than the numbers suggest. In fact, Stundists dominated the villages in which they comprised more than two percent of local population, influencing no less than one third of the population there. In his report to the tsar, the Kherson governor noted in 1890 that the Stundist sect controlled the rural population “on the three fourth [sic] of the entire territory of the province.” According to our calculations, in the main provinces of the southern Russian Empire, i.e., in Kiev, Podolia, Volynia, Kherson, Tavrida, Ekaterinoslav, Kharkov, Bessarabia, Stavropol’, and Astrakhan’, between 1891 and 1895 the police registered no fewer than 20,000 Stundist activists. See in detail: Sergei I. Zhuk. Russia’s Lost Reformation: Peasants, Millennialism, and Radical sects in Southern Russia and Ukraine, 1830-1917. Baltimore, MD, 2004. Pp. 177-178.↩

9.Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi istoricheskii arkhiv (hereafter – RGIA). F. 1284. Op. 241. D. 181. Calculations based on the material from: RGIA. F. 821. Op. 133. D. 21. L. 275ob.-277ob.↩

10.RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 241. D. 181. Calculations based on the material from: RGIA. F. 821. Op. 133. D. 21. L. 275ob.-277ob. The province of Ekaterinoslav had the same proportion: 212 Stundists, 812 Evangelical Christians and 289 Baptists.↩

11.See Clifford Geertz. Ideology as a Cultural System // Idem. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, 1973. P. 220; Idem. Religion as a Cultural System // Ibid. P. 89. See how Geertz interprets Max Weber’s ideas of ethos and “sacred symbols” in: Geertz. Ethos, World View, and the Analysis of Sacred Symbols // Ibid. Pp. 126-141. According to British cultural studies, human identity is “not something fixed and coherent,” but something “constructed and always in a process of becoming but never complete, as much about the future as the past.” See John Storey. Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life. London, 1998. Pp. 135, 136.↩

12.“Everybody knows,” wrote Alexandr Prugavin, “that Stunda is spreading exclusively among the Little Russians.” A. Prugavin. Religioznye otshchepentsy. St. Petersburg, 1904. P. 143; A. D. Ushinskii. O prichinakh poiavlenia ratsionalisticheskikh uchenii shtundy. Pp. 23, 24-25, 26-27. According to an Orthodox missionary and scholar, Arsenii Rozhdestvenskii, “Stundism was the first unsuccessful attempt by the ordinary (Ukrainian) people to create their own separate religious belief.” A. Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. P. 284. See also: Vopros o malorusskom narechii v otnoshenii k shtundizmu // Kievskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti (hereafter – KEV). 1881. No. 4. Pp. 1-4; K voprosu o malorusskom slove v tserkovnoi propovedi // KEV, 1881. No. 13. Pp. 4-6.↩

13.A. Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. P. 54; Kievskaia starina. 1884. No. 11. Pp. 543-544. Some authors stress the special socio-cultural conditions of life, which made Ukraine “susceptible to Protestant, including evangelical sectarian, propaganda.” Episkop Nikanor. Proiskhozhdenie i znachenie Shtundy v zhizni russkago naroda // Pravoslavnoe obozrenie. 1884. No. 8. Pp. 605-619, citation from p. 614. Others write, “One ought not to forget that each Ukrainian believes himself to be a poet and a thinker, a lawmaker, a judge, and a priest. In this unique psychological make-up we find then the origin of their flirtation with Protestantism.” See: Pravoslavnoe obozrenie. 1876. No. 4. P. 811; 1883. No. 8. Pp. 709-729, citation from p.713.↩

14.Materialy k istorii i izucheniyu russkogo sektantstva i raskola / Ed. by Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich. Vol. 3. St. Petersburg, 1910. Pp. 9, 12, 14, 15, 25.↩

15.Materialy k istorii i izucheniyu russkogo sektantstva i raskola / Ed. by Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich. Vol. 3. P. 51. See also the similar explanations of another Stundist in OR RGB (Russian State Library). F. 435. K. 67. D. 6. L. 5, and ibid. K. 46. D. 1. L. 20-22.↩

16.Vladimir Chertkov’s periodical Svobodnoe slovo contained such descriptions in each issue.↩

17.Nedelia. 1877. No. 2. P. 54; A. Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. P. 189. As the New Testament said: “There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way, they are together become unprofitable: there is none that doeth good, no, not one.” [Rom. 3:11-12]↩

18.Michael Walzer. Exodus and Revolution. New York, 1985. Pp. 6, 4. Walzer studied this paradigm as “the idea of a deliverance from suffering and oppression: this-worldly redemption, liberation, revolution, [because] revolution has often been imagined as an enactment of the Exodus and the Exodus has often been imagined as a program for revolution.” Ibid. P. ix. See also classic works about the Exodus and political culture: Lincoln Steffens. Moses in Red: The Revolt of Israel as a Typical Revolution. Philadelphia, 1926; Ernst Bloch. Atheism in Christianity: The Religion of the Exodus and the Kingdom. New York, 1972; J. Severino Croatto. Exodus: A Hermeneutics of Freedom. Maryknoll, NY, 1981.↩

19.The Russian priest M. Kriachkovskii noted the name of the Ukrainian composer, Zaremba, who wrote the melody for Stundist religious songs. M. Kriachkovskii. Iz zapisok sel’skogo sviashchennika po povodu tolkov o shtunde // Khersonskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1873. No. 11. Pp. 327-333 and notes.↩

20.V. I. Iasevich-Borodaevskaia. Bor’ba za veru. Pp. 164, 165-180.↩

21.Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (hereafter – GARF). F. 124. Op. 3. D. 129. L. 9.↩

22.T. H. Breen. Creative Adaptations: Peoples and Cultures // Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole (Eds.). Colonial British America: Essays in the New History of the Early Modern Era. Baltimore, 1984. P. 204.↩

23.John Porter. The Vertical Mosaic: An Analysis of Social Class and Power in Canada. Toronto, 1965. P. 60.↩

24.Max Weber coined the sociological term of the ethos, and William Graham Sumner – the term folkway at the beginning of the 20th century. Max Weber applied the word “ethos” to a particular set of moral principles generated by a particular type of religion. In his concept of “ethos” Weber included such elements as the “system of moral values,” “style of life,” and “orientation of culture.” Sumner used the word “folkways” to describe the habitual “usages, manners, customs, mores and morals” which he believed to be practiced more or less unconsciously in every culture. See William Graham Sumner. Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Manners, Customs, Mores and Morals. Boston, 1907. P. 2, and David Hackett Fischer. Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America. New York, 1989. Pp. 7-11. See also Sergei I. Zhuk. Leveling of the Extremes: Soviet and Post-Soviet Historiography of Early American History // William L. Chew III (Ed.). Images of America: Through the European Looking-Glass. Brussels, 1997. Pp. 63-78. In this colonial process, the first “charter” groups of settlers created certain Creole cultures. The local Creoles – persons born and raised in the colonies – followed their local folkways and shaped their new provincial identities through the cultural patterns the first settlers had brought to the provinces. Similarly, the new immigrants to the southern Russian frontier adjusted not to a single Russian culture, but to a provincial “Creole” culture that had developed there over time. See Sergei Zhuk. Nemetskaia diaspora XVIII veka i kolonizatsia Dneprovskogo regiona Ukrainy: Teoreticheskie aspecty sotsiokul’turnoi istorii // Voprosy germanskoi istorii. Dniepropetrovsk, 1995. Pp. 16-29.↩

25.See Jack Greene’s description of “a general developmental framework of the colonial process” in detail: Colonial British America. Pp. 14-16, and Jack P. Greene. Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture. Chapel Hill,1988. Pp. 167-169.↩

26.See especially the study of Khristovshchina: Aleksandr A. Panchenko. Khristovshchina i skopchestvo: fol’klor i traditsionnaia kul’tura russkikh misticheskikh sekt. Moscow, 2002.↩

27.Khersonskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1890. No. 2. Pp. 39-45.↩

28.Trudy Kievskoi Dukhovnoi Akademii. 1884. Vol. 1. Pp. 46, 47, 49.↩

29.See the comments about “de-nationalization” of the Ukrainians in: R. L. N. Porcha ukrainskikh narodnykh pesen // Kievskaia starina. 1893. Vol. 41. June. Pp. 459-473.↩

30.Missionerskoe obozrenie. 1900. November. P. 506.↩

31.Khersonskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1891. No. 20. P. 619.↩

32.RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222 (1894). D. 114. L. 25ob.↩

33.See reports about other dissenters in Ibid. L. 10-24. Also consider the rejection by the Stundists from the province of Kiev to take an oath of the loyalty: Kievskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1898. No. 16. P. 625. Compare with the western religious radicals in: George Williams. The Radical Reformation. Philadelphia, 1962. P. xxvi.↩

34.Khersonskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1891. No. 20. P. 620.↩

35.Alexii [Dorodnitsyn]. Materialy dlia istorii religiozno-ratsionalisticheskogo dvizhenia na iuge Rossii vo vtoroi polovine XIX-go veka. Kazan’, 1908. Pp. 69, 70; see also about the stereotypes of Stundists in: GARF. F. 102, 3 d-vo. Op. 88. D. 281. L. 1-2.↩

36.On the ethnographic differences of the Stundist peasants see Ekaterinoslavskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1890. No. 13. Pp. 342-343.↩

37.Alexii. Materialy. P. 305.↩

38.I. Savchenkov. Shtundisty s. Luchina, Skvirskogo uezda, Kievskoi gub. // KEV. 1882. No. 3. Pp. 66-67.↩

39.Alexei Iuzhnyi. Na dneprovskikh porogakh I dva dnia u shtundistov // Vestnik Evropy. 1881. No. 7. Pp. 399-419. See especially pages 408-419.↩

40.E. R. Russkie ratsionalisty // Vestnik Evropy. 1881. No. 7. Pp. 318-320. The Stundists tried to establish their own agricultural colonies with the new technology and new organization of work beginning in the 1880s. But their economic efforts were aborted by the local Orthodox clergy, who generated anti-Stundist rumours among the peasants. See: Missionerskoe obozrenie (hereafter – MO). 1896. March. Pp. 27-33.↩

41.Golos. 1878. No. 108; Delo. 1883. No. 2. P. 186.↩

42.Ekaterinoslavskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti. 1889. No. 23. Pp. 658-659. The observers noted that these changes took place during ten years, from 1878 to 1888.↩

43.RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222 (1902-1904). D. 29. L. 31, 35.↩

44.See a record of the detailed interrogation of Maliovannyi in Kazan’ mental hospital: RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222. D. 51. L. 2-3ob., and L. 16-19. Maliovannyi’s hallucinatory experience is reminiscent of what “the public Friends” (the Quaker preachers) described in their memoirs as their revelations. See the most famous auto-biographies of Quakers: William Edmundson. A Journal of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, and Labor of Love. London, 1715. Pp. 1-20ff.; Samuel Bownas. An Account of the Life, Travels and Christian Experience. London, 1761. Pp. 1-16ff.; John Richardson. An Account of the Life of that Ancient Servant of Jesus Christ. Philadelphia, 1759. Pp. 1-20ff.; [Joan Vokins]. God’s Mighty Power Magnified: as Manifested and Revealed in his Faithful Handmaid. London, 1691. Pp. 1-35; Thomas Chalkley. A Collection of the Works. Philadelphia, 1749. Pp. 1-21.↩

45.According to Maliovannyi’s wife, Maliovannyi invited relatives and close friends for a meeting separately from local Stundo-Baptists. At this meeting they read and interpreted the Bible. When Maliovannyi felt the descent of the Holy Spirit, he began to tremble and heard strange voices and smelled “Divine smells.” Eventually, his friends discovered in the biblical text indication that Kondrat Maliovannyi had been sent to them as the Son of God, the new Savior. Maliovannyi recalled that on October 15, 1889, his followers, who were impressed by his trembling, kneeled before him and shouted, “You are our Savior! We had crucified you and we had not believed you before. But now you are resurrected. Forgive us!” See: V. Iasevich-Borodaevskaia. Bor’ba za veru. Pp. 134-135. The citation from: Kievskaia mysl’. 1913. No. 68. P. 2.↩

46.A citation is from: P. Biriukov. Maliovantsy. Istoria odnoi sekty. Izdanie “Svobodnogo slova” / Ed. by V. Chertkov. Christchurch, Hants, England, 1905. Pp. 8-9.↩

47.RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222. D. 115. L. 17ob. See: Kievskaia mysl’. 1913. No. 68. P. 2; No. 69. P. 3.↩

48.See a description of this diagnosis in: RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222 (1900). D. 115. L. 22-22ob.; Op. 222 (1905). D. 51. L. 15. It is noteworthy that a doctor from Kazan’ hospital confessed that Maliovannyi was not a dangerous mental patient. But at the same time, this doctor recommended keeping him in the hospital to curtail his influence on the peasants. See about Ivan Sikorskii’s influence on Russian psychiatry in Irina Sirotkina. Diagnosing Literary Genius: A Cultural History of Psychiatry in Russia, 1880-1930. Baltimore, 2002; esp. p.136-139. Compare with confusing picture of these events in recent article: Daniel Beer. The Medicalization of Religious Deviance in the Russian Orthodox Church (1880-1905) // Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 2004. Vol. 5. No. 3. Pp. 451-482. Beer obviously dismissed original documents about the movement of Maliovannyi. Moreover, he mistakenly treated the Maliovantsy as the Old Believers and called their leader not Kondrat, but Vitalii.↩

49.Ivan A. Sikorskii. Psikhopaticheskaya epidemia 1892 goda v Kievskoi gubernii // Sbornik nauchno-literaturnykh statei. V 5-ti knigakh. Kiev, 1900. Vol. 5. Pp. 44-103.↩

50.I. Sikorskii. Psikhopaticheskaia epidemia 1892 goda. Pp. 52-54. Citation is from page 53.↩

51.See I. Sikorskii. Op. cit. Pp. 52-54.↩

52.Vasilii Skvortsov. Novoshtundism // Moskovskie vedomosti. 1892. No. 227. Maliovantsy had rejected their simple national dress and replaced it with the dress of the elite. As the Governor General wrote in his report: “They removed their old Ukrainian national dress as the peasant symbol of their former slavery and exploitation. Their new expensive dress symbolized their expectation of freedom and their hopes of a better life and their privileged position in their Redeemer’s Kingdom, which is already approaching. During the Millennium, the Earth will be cleansed of the human sins; all sinners will be purified by fire and brimstone; but everybody will be saved. After an ordeal of purification, all people will enter in the blissful and everlasting Kingdom, and the Maliovantsy, as the elected nation, will be first to get to this Kingdom of equality and prosperity.” See in: RGIA. F. 1284. Op. 222. D. 49. L. 6ob.-7.↩

53.About local Russian and Ukrainian identities of Stundists after 1905, see: Heather Coleman. Russian Baptists and Spiritual Revolution, 1905-1929. Pp. 92-108.↩

54.D. Kulikovskii. Kul’turnye pionery // Slovo. 1878. No. 4. Pp. 95-126; 1880. No. 12. Pp. 57-77.↩

55.I refer here to a metaphor coined by Serhii Plokhy in his recent book: Unmaking Imperial Russia: Mykhailo Hrushevsky and the Writing of Ukrainian History. Toronto, ON, 2005. See how important Ukraine was as a crucial element of building the Russian Empire in: Vera Tolz. Russia (Inventing the Nation). London, 2001; Alexei Miller. The Ukrainian Question: The Russian Empire and Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century. Budapest; New York, 2003.↩

Примечания

[1]F. A. Shcherbina. Malorusskaia shtunda. Nedelia. 1877. No. 2. Pp. 58-59.

[2]Cited in: A. Rozhdestvenskii. Iuzhno-russkii shtundizm. St. Petersburg, 1889. P. 269.

[3]Citation from: John Brown. The Stundists. The Story of a Great Religious Revolt. London, 1893. Pp. 66, 67. Another English-speaking contemporary of these events reflected in his description the prevailing opinion about the German origin of Stundism, which had been “born in places in southern Russia, where there are many German Lutheran communities.” He argued that Stundists were “probably the earliest, perhaps the only, sect of distinctively foreign origin, having a direct affiliation with Western Protestantism; their name, as well as their doctrine” was German. These Russian sectarians met together to read the Bible “during their leisure hours (‘Stunden’ in German), whence their appellation of ‘Stundists’...” See: A. F. Heard. The Russian Church and Russian Dissent, Comprising Orthodoxy, Dissent, and Erratic Sects. New York, 1887. P. 290. Sometimes Western observers of these events expressed the obvious racial feelings of Saxonian cultural superiority: “For many years after the arrival of the Germans in Russia, the two people (German colonists and Ukrainian peasants) kept rigorously aloof from one another; but little by little the stronger (German) race began to acquire an influence over the weaker. ...Pious Germans – men who added the necessary Teutonic method and balance to the onward march of the impetuous Little Russians (Ukrainians)... (in Stunde movement).” See: John Brown. The Stundists. Pp. 6, 8.

[4]And he explained, “Instead of the Russian chuyka (special peasant jacket), hat, unshaved beard and hair cut in a fringe, the Stundo-Baptist, for the most part, put on a German jacket, hat and cap, and has a shaved chin and short hair cut. As a matter of fact, instead of choosing a Russian school, the Stundo-Baptist sends his child to the school of German colonists.” N. Kutepov. Kratkaya istoria i verouchenie russkikh ratsionalisticheskikh i misticheskikh eresei: doukhobortsev, molokan, desnago bratstva, shtundy, tolstovtsev, khlystov i skoptsov. Novocherkassk, 1907 (1st pr. 1891). P. 57.

Ab Imperio

Ab Imperio

“Особый народ” “подражающих немцам”: украинские крестьяне-евангелисты и проблема культурной идентичности в украинских губерниях поздней Российской империи

Примечания