4/2004 Reconciliation through the Past: Pan-European Perspective

Горбачевские реформы и начало новой истории в Грузинской ССР

Мелисса Гаян

4/2004

Публикуется на английском (на английской части сайта).

SUMMARY:

Перестройка и, прежде всего, политика гласности, ускорила процесс грузинского нациестроительства, что в конечном итоге привело к независимости Грузии. Однако параллельные процессы национального пробуждения происходили в среде нетитульных народов Грузии, провоцируя насилие и подрывая легитимность грузинского движения. Автор рассматривает вызревание этого конфликта в условиях перестройки. М. Гаян анализирует взгляды Горбачева по национальному вопросу в СССР, рассматривает, как грузинская общественность использовала предоставленные перестройкой возможности, анализирует влияние на курс нациестроительства таких политических событий. Важнейшей сферой национальной активности в Грузии стала историография. Исследователь делает вывод, что в то время как грузинское национальное движение все больше отворачивалось от Москвы, движения нетитульных народов (осетин и абхазов) сопротивлялись ассимиляции и возлагали свои надежды на Москву. Горбачевская модель решения национальных проблем не предлагала механизма разрешения подобных конфликтов и модели выхода из них. Единственным способом оставалось посредничество/вмешательство Москвы.

1.Nadia Diuk and Adrian Karatnycky. New Nations Rising. The Fall of the Soviets and the Challenge of Independence. New York, 1993. P. 10; Robert G. Kaiser. Why Gorbachev Happened. His Triumphs and His Failure. New York, 1991. P. 34.↩

2.Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev. On My Country and the World. Trans. George Shriver. New York, 2000. P. 84; Mikhail Gorbachev. Memoirs / Georges Peronansky and Tatjana Varvasky (Trans.). New York, 1995. Pp. 326-327.↩

3.Robert G. Kaiser. Why Gorbachev. Pp. 416-417; Robert Strayer. Why Did the Soviet Union Collapse? Understanding Historical Change. Armonk, 1998. Pp. 149-150.↩

4.Yaroslav Bilinsky. A Successful Perestroika in Nationality Relations? Or, An Essay to Grasp a Disintegrating Subject // Alfred J. Rieber and Alvin Z. Rubinstein (Eds.). Perestroika at the Crossroads. Armonk, NY, 1991. P. 236; M. S. Gorbachev. Vystuplenie General’nogo sekretaria TsK KPSS na Plenume TsK KPSS 19 sentiabra 1989 goda // Pravda. 1989. September 20.↩

5.Nadia Diuk and Adrian. Karatnycky. New Nations. P. 9.↩

6.Ibid. Pp. 10-11; John B. Dunlop. Russia. Confronting a Loss of Empire. 1987-1991 // Political Science Quarterly. 1993-1994. Vol. 108. P. 609; Bilinsky. Successful Perestroika. Pp. 241-244.↩

7.Nadia Diuk and Adrian Karatnycky. New Nations. Pp. 10-11; R. Kaiser. Why Gorbachev. Pp. 150-151. Ben Eklof. Soviet Briefing Gorbachev and the Reform Period. Boulder, CO, 1989. P. 166; M. Gorbachev. My Country. P. 86. Gorbachev. Memoirs. Pp. 330-331. Gorbachev noted that Kunaev suggested Kolbin as his replacement.↩

8.Mikhail Gorbachev. Perestroika. New Thinking for Our Country and the World. New York, 1988. P. 104.↩

9.Ibid. Pp. 104-106.↩

10.Ibid. Pp. 282-285. Note the date of the resolution, at least three years after Gorbachev’s assumption of office.↩

11.Stephen F. Jones. The Caucasian Mountain Railway Project. A Victory for Glasnost? // Central Asian Survey. 1989. Vol. 8. P. 49.↩

12.Ibid. P. 50.↩

13.Ibid. Pp. 51-52.↩

14.Patiashvili replaced Shevardnadze as first secretary of the Georgian Communist Party (GCP) when the latter left Georgia to become Gorbachev’s foreign minister. The men had very divergent leadership philosophies that would become evident in the 1989 massacre.↩

15.Jones. The Caucasian Mountain Railway Project. Pp. 54-55.↩

16.Stephen F. Jones. Glasnost, Perestroika and the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic // Armenian Review. 1990. Vol. 43. Pp. 135-136. Georgian motives regarding this policy elicited deep-seated resentment and suspicion from the autonomous South Ossetian and Abkhazian areas, with bloody consequences.↩

17.Eduard Gudava. Georgia. 1989 // Nationalities Papers. 1989. Vol. 17. P. 236. Emphasis mine.↩

18.This stage of the Georgian historical inquiry only touched the surface of the problems in Soviet versions of its history and how it would remember monumental characters such as Stalin, Beria, and Ordzhonikidze.↩

19.Elizabeth Fuller. Georgian Historians Reassess 1918 Declaration of Georgian Independence // RFE/RL. 1988. Pp. 3-4. Fuller accused the Georgians of lagging behind their cohorts in the Baltics and the Ukraine in reassessing their history.↩

20.Eduard Gudava. Georgia, 1989.↩

21.Members named this party after the Georgian King called David the Rebuilder (1089-1125), who oversaw the unification of the Georgian kingdom in the early twelfth century.↩

22.Jones. Glasnost, Perestroika. Pp. 142-145; Paata Javakhishvili (Ed.). International Centre for Civic Culture. Political Parties of Georgia Directory. Tbilisi, 1998. Pp. 37-38, 54, 76-77, 117-118; Ronald Suny. The Making of the Georgian Nation. Bloomington, 1994. P. 318. As a fundamental participant in the South Ossetian conflict, the Society of St. Ilia the Righteous showed the radicalization of Gamsakhurdia’s nationality policies. There were numerous political parties in Georgia during this time. They demonstrated how Georgian nationalists took advantage of their ensconced history to legitimize actions taken towards its independence. The Political Parties of Georgia Directory was an informative source, listing the structure, membership, platforms, and contact information for seventy-three officially registered parties that answered the institute’s questionnaire. Current political parties in Georgia number over 200.↩

23.Suny. The Making of the Georgian Nation. Pp. 322-323. Héléne Carrére d’Encausse. The End of the Soviet Empire. The Triumph of Nations. New York, 1993. Pp. 77-79.↩

24.D’Encausse. The End of the Soviet Empire. P. 79. Jonathan Aves. The Rise and Fall of the Georgian Nationalist Movement, 1987-91 // Geoffrey A. Hosking, Jonathan Aves and Peter J. S. Duncan (Eds.). The Road to Post-Communism: Independent Political Move-ments in the Soviet Union 1985-1991. London, 1992. P. 161; Mark R. Beissinger. Natio-nalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State. Cambridge, 2002. Pp. 182, 184.↩

25.In 1978, Moscow proposed a new constitution for the Georgian SSR. One change included removing the Georgian language as the national language. This proposition resulted in the first large-scale political demonstration in Tbilisi on April 14, 1978. The pro-testers cursed Shevardnadze, then head of the GCP, when he first tried to address the crowd. Shevardnadze was able to return later that day to announce the withdrawal of the con-tentious change. The same pattern of events occurred later in Armenia and Azerbaijan. See Suny. The Making of the Georgian Nation. P. 309.↩

26.D’Encausse. The End of the Soviet Empire. Pp. 79-81. Beissinger. Nationalist Mobilization. Pp. 351-352; Diuk and Karatnycky. New Nations. P. 146; Bilinsky. Successful Perestroika. Pp. 244-245. All reports of dead are within this range but, none of the sources agreed on the same number. There also were reports of Georgian police trying to protect protesters after the attack began. Also, doctors complained afterwards that the government did not release details about the gases used on demonstrators, delaying effective medical treatment. This refusal to disclose vital information also occurred during the 2002 Moscow theatre siege.↩

27.Gorbachev. My Country. Pp. 94-95; Pavel Palazhchenko. My Years With Gorbachev and Shevardnadze. The Memoir of a Soviet Interpreter. University Park, 1997. Pp. 124-125; Mikhail Gorbachev. Gorbachev Answers Critics // Izvestiia. 1989. May 26 // The Current Digest of the Soviet Press. 1989. June 21. P. 16. Dmitri Yazov, a general and Politburo member who was involved in the decision regarding Tbilisi, also participated in the August 1991 coup. This fact suggests that the army did act without Gorbachev’s knowledge and purposely did so to weaken him politically.↩

28.T. G. Shavgulidze. Zakliuchenie komissii Verkhovnogo Soveta Gruzinskoi SSR po rassledovaniiu obstoiatel’stv. imevshikh mesto 9 aprelia 1989 roda v gorode Tbilisi // Zaria Vostoka. 1989. October 5; Bilinsky. Successful Perestroika. Pp. 244-245; Gorbachev. My Country. P. 96.↩

29.Refer to G. Patsuriia. 9 Aprelia. Dokumental’nye svidetel’stva o tragicheskikh sobu-tiiakh v Tbilisi. Tbilisi, 1990 for the recorded Georgian response to the Tbilisi Massacre.↩

30.Revaz Gachechiladze. The New Georgia. Space. Society. Politics. College Station, 1995. P. 38; Suny. The Making of the Georgian Nation. Pp. 323-324.↩

31.Strayer. Why Did the Soviet Union Collapse? Pp. 110-111.↩

32.Aves. The Rise and Fall. Pp. 171-172; Independence Movement Gains the Georgian Round Table a Coalition Oflative [sic] Elections in the Transcaucasian Republic // Facts on File World News Digest. New York. 1990. November 2.↩

33.D’Encausse. The End of the Soviet Empire. Pp. 262-263; Francis X. Clines. Secession Decreed by Soviet Georgia // New York Times. 1991. April 10.↩

34.Svetlana Chervonnaya. Conflict in the Caucasus. Georgia. Abkhazia and the Russian Shadow. Glastonbury, 1994.↩

35.D’Encausse. The End of the Soviet Empire. Pp. 262-263; Francis X. Clines. Secession Decreed by Soviet Georgia. New York Times. 1991. April 10. Gamsakhurdia continued his pro-Georgian tendencies by declaring in June 1990 in Literaturuli sakartvelo (a Georgian language literary newspaper) that mixed ethnic marriages were a threat to the Georgian nation. In that same publication in October he stated that the Republic of Georgia could only guarantee the safety of non-Georgians if they did not violate interests of the Georgian people. For more information see Julian Birch. The Georgian / South Ossetian Territorial and Boundary Dispute // John F. F. Wright, Suzanne Goldberg, and Richard Scholfield (Eds.). Transcaucasian Boundaries. New York, 1995. Pp. 166-168. Peter Nasmyth. Georgia in the Mountains of Poetry. New York, 1998. P. 191. James Brooke. As Centralized Rule Wanes, Ethnic Tensions Arise Anew in Soviet Georgia. New York Times. 1991. October 2.↩

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Горбачевские реформы и начало новой истории в Грузинской ССР

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